Fed in Crisis Mode

April 13, 2016 by Leave a Comment

The recent flooding in the deep south serves as a reminder of the overreach of our federal government. Its socialistic motto is, “Never let a crisis go to waste.” Uncle Sam is Johnny on the spot to pass money out locally that belongs to tax payers nationally.

Who can blame those struggling to make ends meet for taking off from work and sacrificing earned wages to accept unearned wages that far exceed what they would have made had they stayed at work? The economy is far out of kilter and the government is out of bounds when the people can have more income not working than if they do.

Inflation and excessive taxation are the chief causes of our skewed economy, and unconstitutional governing has caused these problems. Inflation was non-existent under the Constitution. It began after the Federal Reserve was formed in 1913 when the authority to coin money (Article 1, Section 8) was forfeited by Congress and illegally given to the Federal Reserve. In the same year under President William Taft, Congress and 42 states saddled U. S. citizens with the income tax by the 16th Amendment.

Control of the value of money by a few individuals and virtually unlimited taxation was a death sentence to individual freedom. Now Americans work for the state because of undue taxation, and are controlled by certain individuals in the Federal Reserve that determine the worth of their income and savings.

Perhaps the coming Republican convention and subsequent election will mark a turning point in our nation when we throw off the burden of socialism and retake the freedom that the God of the Bible blessed us with in the Declaration and Constitution. Perhaps we will see crews across the country dismantling the wall of lawlessness to let loose liberty once again.

For an excellent read on the Federal Reserve go to:

https://archive.org/stream/CreatureFromJekyllIslandByG.Edward-G.EdwardGriffin#page/n23/mode/2up

Filed Under: Politics

Governing Authority

March 29, 2016 by Leave a Comment

Americans have an opportunity this year to elect a president that may dust off the Constitution, read it, study it, and abide by it. Next to God’s law, the Constitution is the ultimate law of our country. Any law contrary to God’s law or the Constitution is no law at all; it is a non-law.

There are many non-laws that have been passed in Washington, one being Obamacare. Because this non-law forces funding for the murder of babies, it violates God’s law that tells us murder is wrong; it violates the Declaration of Independence, where in its second paragraph it states that one of our unalienable rights is life; it violates the preamble of the Constitution which declares the reasons for ordaining and establishing the Constitution: to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. Under Obamacare, these reasons for ordaining and establishing the Constitution have been denied to our unborn citizens. Since Obamacare violates God’s law, it also violates the First Amendment to the Constitution, which declares the right to the free exercise of religion. These are only some of the reasons it is unlawful. Obamacare contradicts God’s law, the Declaration of Independence, and the Constitution, the ultimate laws of our country, therefore it is a non-law.

Obedience to a non-law that is contrary to God’s law or the Constitution is disobedience to God, since He tells us in the thirteenth chapter of the book of Romans to not resist governing authority. In the United States of America, the governing authority under God is the people. The Constitution begins with “We the people…do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” Through their representatives, the people established the Constitution as the ultimate law second only to God’s law. We know that our government is based on God’s law because the first paragraph of the Declaration of Independence refers to the “separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them.” Likewise, the second paragraph makes clear the truth that our unalienable rights are given to us from our Creator. God’s law cannot be changed, but the Constitution can be changed by the people. Therefore, the order of authority is God, the people, and then the Constitution. Our government officials are merely servants of the people, to be respected and honored, but given a duty to serve the people.

Our obedience to authority requires obedience to laws, not non-laws. We have been negligent in allowing many non-laws to be passed and enforced. We should now work to remove these and be in obedience to the true laws. While this may present us with great opposition from those who are deceived or are willing to abide by and enforce the non-laws, this is our duty.

To read the Declaration of Independence go to: http://www.wallbuilders.com/libissuesarticles.asp?id=25685

To read the United States Constitution go to:  http://www.wallbuilders.com/libissuesarticles.asp?id=36438

To read the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, known as the Bill of Rights, and the other amendments to the Constitution, go to:  http://www.ushistory.org/documents/amendments.htm

Filed Under: Politics

Milgram America

February 12, 2016 by Leave a Comment

We live in Milgram’s America.  Stanley Milgram, a psychologist at Yale University conducted an experiment in the 1960s to study obedience to authority.  What he found was astounding and helps to explain the degradation of the nation.

Obedience to authority can be a motivation to justify wrong behavior.  When authority such as government, academia, and media are accepted as the standards of thought and behavior, then thought and behavior tend to waver between truth and falsehood, between morality and immorality.  In the Milgram study, subjects were told to administer electric shocks to a person that was unseen in another room, and unbeknownst to the subject, was actually an actor pretending to receive the electrical jolts.  With each incorrect answer to questions the shock became increasingly severe, even to extremely dangerous levels.  Aware of this and hearing the person supposedly receiving the shocks scream with pain and begging to be released, the subjects continued the excruciation at the behest of the researcher.

Such obedience to authority can be bolstered through conditioning.  A famous study in 1901 by a Russian named Ivan Pavlov revealed that responses could be predicted through conditioning.  While studying the digestive system in dogs, he noticed that they would begin to salivate not only at the sight, smell, or taste of food, but even at just the appearance of those in white lab coats that would bring them the food.  Furthermore, it was learned that if food was repeatedly given to the dogs coinciding with a certain sound, eventually the dogs would salivate when hearing the sound without the food being presented.

Milgram’s and Pavlov’s findings are substantiated in society.  Many justify or go along with behavior that is clearly wrong, because their desire to engage in the wrong behavior is bolstered by authoritative figures.  These figures chorus continually ideas that are devoid of sound judgement.  Common sense and conscience let us know right from wrong.  It would seem that there would be no need to counsel the correct course of thought on issues such as killing babies, same sex “marriage”, border protection, a balanced budget, a strong and honorable military, voter identification, adherence to the Constitution, and obedience to our Creator.

There are many wrongs that are considered right by many simply because authority says so and people are conditioned to think so.  Like the subjects in Milgram’s study, they are pressured to submit by one deemed to be an “expert”.  Like the salivating dogs in Pavlov’s experiment, the masses are conditioned to receive “free” things from those in authority; but unlike the unreasoning dogs, they do so in exchange for truth and honor.

For applicable quotes go to:  http://foundationfortruthinlaw.org/quotes.html

Below is an excellent read concerning the use of tax money:

A “sockdolager” is a knock-down blow. This is a newspaper reporter’s captivating story of his unforgettable encounter with the old “Bear Hunter” from Tennessee.

From “The Life of Colonel David Crockett”, by Edward S. Ellis
(Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884)

CROCKETT was then the lion of Washington. I was a great admirer of his character, and, having several friends who were intimate with him, I found no difficulty in making his acquaintance. I was fascinated with him, and he seemed to take a fancy to me.

I was one day in the lobby of the House of Representatives when a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support—rather, as I thought, because it afforded the speakers a fine opportunity for display than from the necessity of convincing anybody, for it seemed to me that everybody favored it. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose. Everybody expected, of course, that he was going to make one of his characteristic speeches in support of the bill. He commenced:

“Mr. Speaker—I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it.

We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him. This government can owe no debts but for services rendered, and at a stipulated price. If it is a debt, how much is it? Has it been audited, and the amount due ascertained? If it is a debt, this is not the place to present it for payment, or to have its merits examined. If it is a debt, we owe more than we can ever hope to pay, for we owe the widow of every soldier who fought in the War of 1812 precisely the same amount.

There is a woman in my neighborhood, the widow of as gallant a man as ever shouldered a musket. He fell in battle. She is as good in every respect as this lady, and is as poor. She is earning her daily bread by her daily labor; but if I were to introduce a bill to appropriate five or ten thousand dollars for her benefit, I should be laughed at, and my bill would not get five votes in this House. There are thousands of widows in the country just such as the one I have spoken of, but we never hear of any of these large debts to them. Sir, this is no debt.

The government did not owe it to the deceased when he was alive; it could not contract it after he died. I do not wish to be rude, but I must be plain. Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as a charity.

Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much of our own money as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week’s pay to the object, and if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks.”

He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, no doubt, it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and, of course, was lost.

Like many other young men, and old ones, too, for that matter, who had not thought upon the subject, I desired the passage of the bill, and felt outraged at its defeat. I determined that I would persuade my friend Crockett to move a reconsideration the next day.

Previous engagements preventing me from seeing Crockett that night, I went early to his room the next morning and found him engaged in addressing and franking letters, a large pile of which lay upon his table.

I broke in upon him rather abruptly, by asking him what devil had possessed him to make that speech and defeat that bill yesterday. Without turning his head or looking up from his work, he replied:

“You see that I am very busy now; take a seat and cool yourself. I will be through in a few minutes, and then I will tell you all about it.”

He continued his employment for about ten minutes, and when he had finished he turned to me and said: “Now, sir, I will answer your question. But thereby hangs a tale, and one of considerable length, to which you will have to listen.”

I listened, and this is the tale which I heard:

SEVERAL YEARS AGO I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. When we got there, I went to work, and I never worked as hard in my life as I did there for several hours. But, in spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made homeless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them, and everybody else seemed to feel the same way.

The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done. I said everybody felt as I did. That was not quite so; for, though they perhaps sympathized as deeply with the sufferers as I did, there were a few of the members who did not think we had the right to indulge our sympathy or excite our charity at the expense of anybody but ourselves. They opposed the bill, and upon its passage demanded the yeas and nays. There were not enough of them to sustain the call, but many of us wanted our names to appear in favor of what we considered a praiseworthy measure, and we voted with them to sustain it. So the yeas and nays were recorded, and my name appeared on the journals in favor of the bill.

The next summer, when it began to be time to think about the election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up, and I thought it was best to let the boys know that I had not forgot them, and that going to Congress had not made me too proud to go to see them.

So I put a couple of shirts and a few twists of tobacco into my saddlebags, and put out. I had been out about a week and had found things going very smoothly, when, riding one day in a part of my district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly, and was about turning his horse for another furrow when I said to him: “Don’t be in such a hurry, my friend; I want to have a little talk with you, and get better acquainted.”

He replied: “I am very busy, and have but little time to talk, but if it does not take too long, I will listen to what you have to say.”

I began: “Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called candidates, and…”

“’Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.’

This was a sockdolager… I begged him to tell me what was the matter.

“Well, Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting in honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the Constitution to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you to be honest. But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is.”

“I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional question.”

“No, Colonel, there’s no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?”

“Certainly it is, and I thought that was the last vote which anybody in the world would have found fault with.”

“Well, Colonel, where do you find in the Constitution any authority to give away the public money in charity?”

Here was another sockdolager; for, when I began to think about it, I could not remember a thing in the Constitution that authorized it. I found I must take another tack, so I said:

“Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury, and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.”

“It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government.

So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other.

No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this county as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one week’s pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in and around Washington who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The Congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give.

The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.”

I have given you an imperfect account of what he said. Long before he was through, I was convinced that I had done wrong. He wound up by saying:

“So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you.”

I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go talking, he would set others to talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him:

“Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it full. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said there at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.”

He laughingly replied:

“Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way.”

“If I don’t,” said I, “I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am in earnest in what I say, I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.”

“No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday a week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.”

“Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye… I must know your name.”

“My name is Bunce.”

“Not Horatio Bunce?”

“Yes.”

“Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me; but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend. You must let me shake your hand before I go.”

We shook hands and parted.

It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote.

At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifested before.

Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.

I have told you Mr. Bunce converted me politically. He came nearer converting me religiously than I had ever been before. He did not make a very good Christian of me, as you know; but he has wrought upon my mind a conviction of the truth of Christianity, and upon my feelings a reverence for its purifying and elevating power such as I had never felt before.

I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him—no, that is not the word—I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir, if everyone who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.

But to return to my story: The next morning we went to the barbecue, and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted—at least, they all knew me.

In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying:

“Fellow citizens—I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.”

I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation as I have told it to you, and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying:

“And now, fellow citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error.

“It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the credit of it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.”

He came upon the stand and said:

“Fellow citizens—It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.”

He went down, and there went up from the crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth before.

I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.

“NOW, SIR,” concluded Crockett, “you know why I made that speech yesterday. I have had several thousand copies of it printed and was directing them to my constituents when you came in.

“There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a week’s pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men—men who think nothing of spending a week’s pay, or a dozen of them for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased—a debt which could not be paid by money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it.”

Filed Under: Other

Tyranny Then and Now

December 1, 2015 by Leave a Comment

What began in troubled times seems to be ending in troubled times.  The document that marks the beginning of the United States of America contains a long list of grievances that justifies the unanimous decision of the original thirteen colonies of our country to, in essence say, enough is enough.  They would take no more abuse and usurpation from the government that they were under, and relying on God’s protection, they were willing to make great sacrifices to break free.

 

There was another beginning long before this, when certain European Christians likewise decided to get out from under oppression.  They were called Puritans, Separatists, and Pilgrims, and they went to great lengths to attain freedom.  They risked their lives and their families in order to obey the God of the universe.  They came to the wilderness of America for freedom to follow the truth of God’s Word.  The actual beginning of our self-government was in a document they signed aboard the vessel that brought them to America.  In this document, the Mayflower Compact, they pledged their endeavor to be “for the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith.”

 

Their desire was for freedom and to free others from their bondage of ignorance of God’s Word.  As it is written, “My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge” (Hosea 4: 6).  They knew from reading the Bible that the king or any government was not who bestows rights.  They knew that God gives rights and is the standard of what is good and righteous.  They were the first to print Bibles in English so that others would know the truth that had been hidden from them by those in power.  Through God’s providence we have reaped the harvest of blessings from those who sowed in righteousness before us, but we as a nation after them have sowed unrighteousness and are now reaping curses.

 

Our situation now is much like that of our founders in the thirteen colonies.  There are and have been leaders in our nation, and those who follow them, who have corrupted our country and brought us now to the brink of destruction, but there are many others who would have us return to morality, righteousness, and common sense.  This feat seems impossible, and is impossible for man alone, but not for God.  “For nothing is impossible with God” (Luke 1: 37).  “He brings one down, He exalts another” (Psalm 75: 7).  The government, the media, the educational system, the financial system, even much of what is supposed to be the church, has been taken piece by piece by those seeking to debase our country.

 

There is much similarity in the grievances put forth by the colonists in the Declaration of Independence to grievances that we can put forth today.  While their grievances were directed at the king, government, and people of England, ours is toward our federal government and those who usurp authority over the Constitution and the people.  Christianity is the foundation of our government and our Constitution is derived from Christian principles.  Freedom, prosperity, and peace are some of the fruits of these Christian principles.

 

The following are the grievances of the original thirteen colonies listed in the Declaration of Independence that justified their separation from England, and the correlation to our grievances today against our own federal government:

 

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

 

The president and the Department of Justice have refused to enforce the Defense of Marriage Act, our immigration laws, and have opposed states that attempt to enforce these laws.  The president and Congress have foolishly wasted vast sums of tax payers’ money in countless ways, but particularly on so called stimulus packages that have done little if any to stimulate anything except debt.

 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

 

            There are many issues now facing our nation that are of immediate and pressing importance, including the killing of unborn and newborn children, immigration and border protection, health care, and education.  When a state acts upon issues such as these because of the inaction or erroneous action of the president or the federal government, it is forbidden to do so by them, and action is taken against that state to prevent any sort of state control of these issues.

 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.  

 

            Our federal government has established voting districts that accommodate the election of anti-constitutional candidates and their agendas.  Between such gerrymandering and rampant voter fraud, the right of representation has been severely compromised.

 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

 

The president and his cohorts in the legislature have slipped in laws during congressional recesses and placed on the American people regulations decided on in distant global conferences, outside the boundaries of our country and our Constitution.

 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

 

The president and his appointed attorney general have refused to enforce our laws, particularly the Defense of Marriage Act, our immigration laws, and voting regulations, effectively dissolving our representative houses.  They, along with a majority of legislators, have grossly neglected to protect unborn children from harm, death, and much suffering, thus denying them the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

 

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

 

Having effectively dissolved the rightful legislative body, legislation and its enforcement must come from somewhere, so it rests with the individual states and the people, leaving the country without unity.  The states and the people are left to defend marriage, to defend their own borders, to deal with voter fraud, and to protect the people, including unborn children.  The duty of the federal government is neglected and left to the states and the people.  Then the federal government opposes the states and the people who tend to the neglected issues.

 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

 

Population by birth has been hindered through laws discouraging marriage, through inflation, taxes, abortion, and through the encouragement of homosexuality.  For the purpose of undermining unity, the economy, and nationalism, laws of naturalization have been neglected.  The executive branch has refused to enforce naturalization laws and Congress has refused to act upon this disregard of the Constitution.  The influx of indigent immigrants flowing in unmitigated has strained the economy through tax expenditures and job losses for American citizens, and undoubtedly allowed entrance of many with harmful intentions.  Further debilitation of our nation has been through the restriction of lands rich in natural resources so that these needed resources must be imported from other countries, often from those opposed to our ideals and hostile toward us, so that by purchasing these resources from them we are giving aid to our enemies.

 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

 

The president has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing to enforce laws concerning life, marriage, the right to keep and bear arms without infringement, and immigration.  Congress has allowed this obstruction to continue.  The president and Congress have allowed the courts to overstep their constitutional bounds.  They are allowed to not just make judgments, but to make law, as in the infamous Roe verses Wade case that has resulted in heinous crimes against millions of babies, born and unborn.  Only Congress is permitted to make laws.  Every law must pass constitutional muster. Therefore the president is unlawful in enforcing what is not law, and in not enforcing what is law.

 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

 

Judges are appointed by the president, not according to their strict adherence to the Constitution, but according to their liberal viewpoints in spite of the Constitution.  They are a law unto themselves and not held accountable by the president or by Congress.

 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

 

The number of government agencies and bureaucracies has increased greatly under the current administration.  These represent repetition of purpose, burdensome regulations, and wasted tax dollars.

 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislature. 

 

We have intervened in the affairs of other countries militarily, when our nation was not at risk or in danger, resulting in great loss of life, limb, and substance.

 

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

 

The Constitution gives only Congress the power to declare war.  However, the president orders our troops into combat here or there, with or without Congress’ consent.

 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:

 

European law and Sharia law have been referenced by U. S. courts for reaching verdicts.  Treaties such as the North American Free Trade Agreement have subverted our Constitution.

 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

 

While our military is being reduced and dismantled, the Department of Homeland Security is stockpiling huge amounts of ammunition, and has thousands of armed agents in place among us.

 

 For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:

 

The mock trial known as Roe v. Wade has protected the federal government and others from being held accountable for the torture and murder of millions of babies.  It has paved the way for tax money to fund this macabre mayhem and has given aid to those committing these hideous crimes.

 

 For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:

 

Federal taxes, regulations, and policies have created disincentives for manufacturing in the U.S.  This has led to excessive unemployment and lopsided trade.

 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

 

Through unlawful executive orders such as amnesty for illegal aliens, and unconstitutional legislation, such as the Affordable Care Act, an increased tax burden has been laid upon us without our consent.

 

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:

 

Unborn and often newborn babies suffer cruel and unusual capital punishment, without trial by jury, without facing their accusers, or even being accused of a crime.

 

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses:

 

Instead of being tried overseas, our courts apply foreign laws to cases within our borders, regardless of our constitutional protections.

 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:

 

The set system of laws that had served England and the colonies were being disregarded and replaced by tyranny.  Our Constitution is being disregarded by the three branches of our government.  Judges make arbitrary rulings as we are being set up for tyranny, which is ever encroaching.

 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:

 

Our fundamental law, the Constitution, has had parts of its meaning distorted or disregarded.  The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution have been unlawfully usurped by treaties and agreements.

 

For suspending our own legislature, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

 

The president has legislated through executive order.  Laws have passed during the absence of much of Congress in a stealthy manner.  Our courts have become legislative bodies.

 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.

 

The president has gone to foreign countries to speak against our country, apologizing to our enemies.  His words and his actions are acts of war against us.

 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

 

Our seas have been plundered by government confiscation of our oilfields.  Our country has been ravaged from coast to coast through harmful government policies that ruin our schools, our cities, and the lives of our people.

 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

 

Our borders are left open for our enemies and those who would live as parasites on American taxpayers, to complete the work of destruction that our own government has begun and that was accelerated on September 11, 2001.  Our enemies kill and maim indiscriminately, and our government aids and abets them in an effort to complete the work of death, desolation, and tyranny.

 

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

 

Our military personnel are basically held captive after their enlistment, and being intertwined into their training is the conditioning to attack their fellow citizens.

 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

 

We see the policies of our government causing racial tension, demonstrations by illegal aliens, and the indiscriminate killing by Muslim terrorists, anti-Christian extremists, and others motivated by these insane policies.

 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms.  Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury: A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

 

We have also petitioned our three branches of government for redress, to little avail.  Our republic has turned into a tyrannical government much like the one from which the founders and our ancestors gained independence.  The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, so painstakingly drafted, have become sources referenced by the federal government only when misconstrued to serve the purposes of tyranny.

 

Our grievances go beyond those of the colonists to include gross immorality that is promoted by the federal government, and with all the entitlement programs of the federal government, the land of the free has become the land of the freebies. Just as surely as we were being assaulted with bombs and bullets by the British in 1776, we are now being assaulted with policies and programs by the president and his people.

 

Ours is not a call to revolt but a call to recover.  Our heritage has been allowed to be stolen, and now we want it back.  With voter fraud and few righteous candidates for government office, recovery is difficult.  Will we keep following the breadcrumbs of government promises into the trap that is ready to fall, or will we be disciplined enough to say no to the insane policies that are ruining America, and work to regain what has been lost?  We the people are America and those elected to offices of government work for us.  If they don’t do the job, we must terminate their employment and prosecute when necessary.  Every American citizen is called to be vigilant.  We must be aware of the activities of those making decisions for us and spending our money.  We have to take what action we can to preserve liberty for us, our children, grandchildren, and the world.  Freedom is worth fighting for!

 

Filed Under: Politics

A New Inscription for the Statue of Liberty

October 10, 2015 by Leave a Comment

The inscription on the Statue of Liberty reads, “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, the wretched refuse of your teeming shore.  Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me.  I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”  Perhaps it should now read, “Ignore our laws and our way of life, flood our country with those who refuse to assimilate into our culture, those who steal, kill, and destroy our nation.   Join with the president, those in Washington and across the country who disdain freedom, that want to make people equally poor, and whose goal is to destroy the Christian foundations that freedom, prosperity, justice, and security are based upon.”

Barack Hussein Obama was honest in claiming that his administration would be transparent.  With his name, words, and deeds it is clear what he stands for and what his goals are.  These are not just his aims, but much of Congress, the Supreme Court, and others share his ambition of transforming the United States and the world into a communistic system of elites and peons wherein there will be no private property, freedom, or God given rights.

One of the latest slithers in their assault on America is bringing Syrian refugees into the country with no way to know if there are terrorists among them.  Overwhelming the states with people who for the most part have no intention of renouncing their false religion or assimilating into the American culture is an important part of their scheme.  True to their method of operation, our enemies in Washington created a crisis to further their cause of fundamentally changing America.  Obama, those following his unlawful orders, and those pulling his strings connived to create a power vacuum in the middle-east that allowed the advancement of the heathens that call themselves the Islamic State and produced the refugees.

May we seek The Father in what we should do individually to help avert the loss of the freedom He gave us.  Perhaps freedom, security, peace, and prosperity was only for a season, but let us do all we can so that we can know that we tried.  God relented from destroying Nineveh when they repented (Jonah 3).  Jesus said in Luke 21: 36, “Watch therefore, and pray always that you may be counted worthy to escape all these things that will come to pass, and to stand before the Son of Man.”  Prepare now for what God may allow to come our way.

May God be merciful as our nation repents of killing babies, sexual deviancy, complacency, idolatry, and all other sin; and as we believe in the gospel.  Only He can untangle the knot our sin has put us in.

For common sense views on immigration, go to:  http://www.afa.net/the-stand/immigration/

Filed Under: Politics